Unfortunately for the companies, this backfired as foreign workers were imported to fill the underground positions and were not given the same treatment as the native workers. His artwork is an artistic first person perspective on conditions from a working-class perspective. The National Guard had initially prevented the parade from going near the mines peacefully and the parade turned away from the mines. While we selected the image, Michigan State University Press, our publisher, employed an incredible graphic artist to select the color scheme, font, and organize the cover's layout. This can be done without the presence of the governor. The mostly peaceful parades of strikers turned into violent acts from both sides of the strike excluding the National Guard. When they went to arrest him, the man ran into his house where there were 15 other people.
December of 1913 saw more deaths than any other month of the strike Lankton, 202. After exchanging epithets with the parade, the deputies fired 90 shots into the air which struck one young girl in the head Meeker, 70. Ferris was also under the impression that the increase in local deputies, 430 in July to 1,700 in November, would allow them to protect the mines and mine workers without the National Guard present. With organized labor taking an aggressive stance against the excesses of unfettered capitalism, the stage was set for a major struggle between labor and management. Aaron notes that in Grays Harbor people still consider it to be a major offense to cross picket lines. The cover itself is a symbol of our attempt to include the personal stories of members of the Copper Country's working class.
The Michigan Copper Strike received national attention and garnered the support of luminaries in organized labor like Mother Jones, John Mitchell, Clarence Darrow, and Charles Moyer. This led to an increase in violence between all parties involved: the strikers, mining companies, and the deputies. The one-man drill would eliminate half of the underground jobs, mostly held by foreigners, leaving them without a job, housing, or many other options. The strike officially continued through the spring of 1914 but was over after December for all intents and purposes. In total, there were 2,354 troops with 2 artillery batteries, 2 cavalry units, 1 company of engineers, and 3 regiments of infantry all under the command of Brig. The strikers urged the governor himself to come to the mines and inspect the working conditions of the miners in order to convince him that the strikers are the victims. I Gary had been working with sources from the Copper Country's Finnish immigrant population, which was instrumental in bringing about the strike and also during the strike while working on a Master's at Michigan Tech and some of these sources were inevitably used in Community as well.
They printed a publication called Truth, which portrayed the strikers as the aggressors and the cause of the violence in the area. The first strike event after the deployment of the National Guard was a parade of 3,000 strikers that marched from Red Jacket to Larium, passing right through the National Guard camp. . Research interests: immigration, labor and social history, industrial communities, material culture of the working class, social justice, public history, and working class rhetoric. His scholarly interests include labor and the left, Pacific Northwest History, and history of the lumber industry. We are very proud to share the cover to the upcoming book, Community in Conflict: A Working-class History of the 1913-14 Michigan Copper Strike and the Italian Hall Tragedy. Initiation of the Strike The copper mines in the Keweenaw Peninsula operated without conflict throughout most of their history prior to 1913 due to the paternalistic culture of the companies over their employees.
As soon as the deputies took control the violence commenced from all sides of the strike. Organizing under the Western Federation of Miners in the spring of 1913, the copper mine workers officially went on strike on July 24, 1913 Lankton, 192-193. Overall, 38 striker men were charged with assault, 9 were charged with murder, and 56 were charged with intimidation while 8 striker women were charged with assault and 27 with intimidation. We feel the graphic artist did a great job and when we first received the cover to look over from the Press, Aaron had copies made and distributed them throughout St. The change in the composition of peacekeeping troops marked a major turning point in the strike. This in turn led to the strikers becoming more violent toward the deputies, in one case killing a deputy and in another attempting to kill a deputy.
Copper Country Vertical File Photograph Collection. The deputies and Waddell men had very few charges against them, mainly because they were the people issuing the charges and did not charge themselves when they were the aggressors in violent assaults Meeker, 74. The violence lasted for the duration of the strike and increased tensions between strikers and the mines which decreased the likelihood of a settlement by the mining companies. He is the author of two books published by Michigan State University Press, one of which won the 2010 Historical Society of Michigan Book Award. The strike lasted for almost a year with the tensions leading to stubbornness in negotiations between the two sides which prolonged the strike. This culture was designed to cultivate loyal employees that depended on the companies.
Troops started arriving as soon as July 25 and all troops were stationed by July 27. The strikers thus portrayed themselves again as the aggressors against the companies and now the National Guard as well. The back story provided in the book leads up to the great clash between labor and management that was the 1913-14 strike, and the truly tragic events at Italian Hall--mostly with regard to and using the perspective of the Copper Country's working class members. They looked for work in many other disciplines and locations, most notably the Ford automotive assembly plants in Detroit. Both of his grandfathers worked in the mines of the Mesabi Iron Range in northeastern Minnesota, and, before becoming an academic, Kaunonen, himself, charged blast furnaces and operated a bull-ladle in an iron foundry. The National Guard displayed great strike control skills while mobilized with their unbiased and disciplined protection of the Houghton area and should have been utilized for the entire duration of the strike.
One striking worker is carrying a sign that reads a familiar slogan shouted during strike parades by workers. The mines never recovered from the removal of experienced workers and the social divide created in the community. Currently he is the Assistant Director of Michigan Tech's Writing Program, a Graduate Teaching Instructor, and a PhD student at Michigan Tech in the Rhetoric and Technical Communication program. When it was required to disrupt riots, they did so peacefully without brandishing weapons or threatening strikers with violence. In the time that the National Guard had a strong presence in the area, there were no strike related deaths. Gary Kaunonen is currently in Michigan Technological University's Ph.
Mass Exodus of Miners Many mine workers decided to abandon the mines all together due to the social upheaval taking place in the copper country. The National Guard maintained a neutral attitude toward both the miners and mining companies for the duration of the strike which helped to make them effective peacekeepers for the strike situation. I expect both sides will see the wisdom of asking for only what is right. Strikers also increased their violence toward the imported workers, often throwing rocks at their train cars and beating them on their way to work. The National Guard leave the Houghton area was the major turning point in the strike which could have easily been avoided.
The transition between the National Guard maintaining peace and the local deputies and Waddell men was met with harsh criticism by the strikers, for as much as they did not like the National Guard, they despised the deputies and Waddell men. He credits his interest in labor and radical history to his working-class upbringing, which included many hours on picket lines and participating in Labor Day parades. His expertise in the national labor scene at that time gives Community in Conflict something that other book length histories of the strike do not provide: a national context. In an effort to force the mines to shut down, the strikers resorted to beating the non-striking workers with clubs to stop them from entering the mines. These actions reinvigorated the strike and led to the worst month of the strike. The hope of victory was overshadowed, however, by violent incidents like the shooting of striking workers and their family members, and the bitterness of a community divided. The authors challenge the view that the Copper Country was largely a happy hamlet presided over by benevolent mine bosses prior to 1913.